oa Russian Fascism in Exile. A Historical and Phenomenological Perspective on Transnational Fascism

References

1.  Sven Reichardt and Armin Nolzen, ‘Editorial,’ in Faschismus in Deutschland und Italien: Studien zu Transfer und Vergleich, ed. idem (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2005), 9-27; Kiran Klaus Patel, ‘In Search of a Transnational Historicization: National Socialism and its Place in History,’ in Conflicted Memories: Europeanizing Contemporary Histories, ed. Konrad Jarausch and Thomas Lindenberg (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 96-116; Arnd Bauernkämper, ‘A New Consensus? Recent Research on Fascism in Europe, 1918-1945,’ History Compass 4/3 (2006): 536-566, in particular 552-553; Idem, ‘Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe 1922-1939,’ East Central Europe 37 (2010): 214-246; Constantin Iordachi, ‘Fascism in Interwar East Central and Southeastern Europe: Toward a New Transnational Research Agenda,’ East Central Europe 37 (2010): 161-213; Samuel Huston Goodfellow, ‘Fascism as a Transnational Movement: The Case of Inter-War Alsace,’ Contemporary European History 22 (2013): 87-106.
   [Google Scholar]
2.  See, for example, Stanley Payne, ‘Fascist Italy and Spain, 1922-45,’Mediterranean Historical Review13 (June 1998): 99-115; Claudia Baldoli, Exporting Fascism: Italian Fascists and Britain’s Italians in the 1930s (Oxford: Berg, 2003); Dietrich Orlow, ‘Der Nationalsozialismus als Export- und Marketing-Artikel: Beziehungen zwischen Nationalsozialisten, französischen und holländischen Faschisten, 1933-1939,’ in Das Unrechtsregime: Internationale Forschung über den Nationalsozialismus, ed. Ursula Büttner (Hamburg: Christians Verlag, 1986), 427-468.
   [Google Scholar]
3.  See for example: Goodfellow, ‘Fascism as a Transnational Movement’; Pauli Heikkilä, ‘Allies of the New Europe: Perceptions of Finnish Fascism on Slovakia, Croatia and Estonia, 1941-1944,’Valahian Journal Of Historical Studies14 (2010): 105-122; Iordachi, ‘Fascism in Interwar East Central and Southeastern Europe’; Jennifer Foray, ‘An Old Empire in a New Order: The Global Designs of the Dutch Nazi Party, 1931–1942,’ European History Quarterly 43 (2013): 27-52; Tessel Pollmann, ‘“Either One is a Fascist or One is not”: The Indies’ National-Socialist Movement, the Imperial Dream, and Mussert’s Milch Cow,’ Indonesia no. 92 (October 2011): 43-58; Vladimir Tikhonov, ‘The Controversies on Fascism in Colonial Korea in the Early 1930s,’ Modern Asian Studies 46 (2012): 975-1006; James Frusetta, ‘Fascism to Complete the National Project? Bulgarian Fascists’ Uncertain Views on the Palingenesis of the Nation,’ East Central Europe 37 (2010): 280-302.
   [Google Scholar]
4.  Michael Arthur Ledeen, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, 1928-1936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972).
   [Google Scholar]
5.  Okorokov, Fashizm i Russkaia Emigratsiia, 161-168.
   [Google Scholar]
6.  Oberländer, ‘All-Russian Fascist Party,’170-171; for excerpts of Mein Kampf see, for example the American-based journal Fashist, June 1935, 8-10; July 1935, 12-14; October 1935, 12-15; or February 1937, 14-18.
   [Google Scholar]
7.  Rodzaevskii, Russkii put’, 81.
   [Google Scholar]
8.  Federico Finchelstein, Transatlantic Fascism: Ideology, Violence, and the Sacred in Argentina and Italy, 1919-1945 (Durham, London: Duke University Press, 2010), 13.
   [Google Scholar]