Werkwoordvormen in de zuidelijke Nederlandse dialecten. Stamkeuze, werkwoorduitgangen en fonologische aanpassingen van de stam – II. 1/3 mv | Amsterdam University Press Journals Online
2004
Volume 62, Issue 2
  • ISSN: 0039-8691
  • E-ISSN: 2215-1214

Abstract

1st and 3rd p. plural verb forms have largely converged into one form with nasal ending; only in a very small part in the southeast there is an opposition between the simple nasal ending and /nt/; the former occurs with most verbs, the second being restricted to the small class of vowel stems. The latter category (gaa-n, zie-n, doe-n, etc.) also displays very occasionally double endings (ga-nen, doe-ene, zie-nen). This text focuses on the following topics: •morphological stem variations, all of which also occur with other verbal forms (§ 2); we mention the interaction of plural / singular stems in preterits and the reduction of consonant to vowel stems; •the phonetic realisations of the nasal ending, as [ə], [ən] or [n], with consonant stems, both present and preterit, and [n] or zero with vowel stems, both primary and secondary (§ 3 – 4 - 5.1-5.3); with consonant stems the character of the final consonant appears to be a major conditioning factor; •phonological changes in vowel stems with underlying tense vowels: these include both shortening (du.n > dun) and palatalisation (du.n > dy.n, which is generally combined with shortening: du.n > dun/dy.n > dyn) (§5.4); palatalisation occurs in most eastern (Brabant and Limburg dialects that have shortening, but does not in the western (Flemish) dialects; between these geographical entities a number of dialects display forms with velar/palatal diphthongs (e.g. duin). The text ends with the discussion of two specific issues: the development of a new „pronominal‟ ending in 1st p. pl. (deriving from the homophonic enclitic subject pronoun) on the one hand, the generalisation of the nasal ending to the 2nd p. plural in a small number of dialects, both in the northwest and in the southeast, on the other.

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2010-01-01
2024-04-20
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  • Article Type: Research Article
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