2004
Volume 22, Issue 2
  • ISSN: 1384-5845
  • E-ISSN: 2352-1171

Abstract

Abstract

This paper reconsiders the syntax of indefinite quantitative and its definite counterpart . Quantitative ‘there’ is obligatory in Dutch when the only visible element in a nominal group is a numeral. I argue that quantitative is the pronominalization of a lower projection of the nominal group (DP-low) that contains directly modifying adjectives and complements of N but not relative clauses and PP-adjuncts. Quantitative is the pronominalization of a higher projection of the nominal group (DP-high) that contains DP-low and the layers to which PP-adjuncts and relative clauses attach. Both quantitative and are weak pronouns that, like all weak pronouns, move to the left-hand part of the middle field. This analysis explains the parallel syntactic distribution of quantitative and and the differences in modifiability of the two pronouns. New evidence for the claim that quantitative involves pronominalization, not ellipsis, comes from the obligatory lack of gender agreement between the nominal group and the relative pronoun in an asso-ciated relative clause. New evidence for the parallel analysis of and comes from optional haplology when there are two instances of quantitative in one clause.

Loading

Article metrics loading...

/content/journals/10.5117/NEDTAA2017.2.BARB
2017-09-01
2021-10-20
Loading full text...

Full text loading...

http://instance.metastore.ingenta.com/content/journals/10.5117/NEDTAA2017.2.BARB
Loading
  • Article Type: Research Article
Keyword(s): Dutch; noun ellipsis; numerals; pronominalization; quantitative er
This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address
Approval was a Success
Invalid data
An Error Occurred
Approval was partially successful, following selected items could not be processed due to error