Full text loading...
This paper concerns the negative quantifier geen (‘no’) in Afrikaans. Superficially, along with the rest of the negative indefinite paradigm, a component of the continuity between Afrikaans and Dutch, we show that Afrikaans geen is, in fact, very different to its Dutch cognate. This difference is evident both in first-language acquisition patterns, and in distributional terms. We present a multi-part corpus study probing the occurrence in child speech, child-directed adult speech and adult-directed adult speech of geen and two elements that are in competition with geen in Afrikaans: its “analytic”, standard negation-harnessing counterpart, nie 'n (‘not a’), and the negative indefinite niks (‘nothing’). In the acquisition domain, we learn that geen is acquired very late, whereas both nie 'n and niks are in place early, fulfilling a range of functions that are reserved for geen in Dutch. In contrast, we learn that geen is acquired early in Dutch. Distributionally, Dutch geen constitutes the discourse-neutral form, both in count and in mass contexts, with niet een (‘not a’) being reserved for discourse-marked uses. For Afrikaans, however, a large-scale markedness reversal appears to have occurred, with nie 'n – i.e. a standard negation-containing structure – representing the unmarked form. The language’s innovative and, apparently, acquisitionally salient negative imperatives seem key in understanding this development, a matter that we leave to future research. Our conclusion here is that the behaviour of Afrikaans geen points to a negation system that has departed even further from the original Dutch template than has been appreciated to date.