2004
Volume 30, Issue 1/2
  • ISSN: 1384-5845
  • E-ISSN: 2352-1171

Samenvatting

Abstract

This paper concerns the negative quantifier (‘no’) in Afrikaans. Superficially, along with the rest of the negative indefinite paradigm, a component of the continuity between Afrikaans and Dutch, we show that Afrikaans is, in fact, very different to its Dutch cognate. This difference is evident both in first-language acquisition patterns, and in distributional terms. We present a multi-part corpus study probing the occurrence in child speech, child-directed adult speech and adult-directed adult speech of and two elements that are in competition with in Afrikaans: its “analytic”, standard negation-harnessing counterpart, (‘not a’), and the negative indefinite (‘nothing’). In the acquisition domain, we learn that is acquired very late, whereas both and are in place early, fulfilling a range of functions that are reserved for in Dutch. In contrast, we learn that is acquired early in Dutch. Distributionally, Dutch constitutes the discourse-neutral form, both in count and in mass contexts, with (‘not a’) being reserved for discourse-marked uses. For Afrikaans, however, a large-scale markedness reversal appears to have occurred, with – i.e. a standard negation-containing structure – representing the unmarked form. The language’s innovative and, apparently, acquisitionally salient negative imperatives seem key in understanding this development, a matter that we leave to future research. Our conclusion here is that the behaviour of Afrikaans points to a negation system that has departed further from the original Dutch template than has been appreciated to date.

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