2004
Volume 97 Number 4
  • ISSN: 0025-9454
  • E-ISSN: 1876-2816

Abstract

Abstract

Scholars increasingly worry about an increase in citizens’ tolerance for political violence. The present research aimed to gauge tolerance for political violence in the Netherlands and investigate its predictors. In Study 1, tolerance for political violence was assessed in a representative sample of Dutch citizens (N = 515) in a preregistered survey. Results showed that, depending on the wording of the question, 2% to 19% of participants supported the use of political violence. In Study 2, data from the Dutch part of the European Values Study (N = 2,404) was used to investigate predictors of tolerance for political violence. The results revealed that participants with lower incomes and participants who indicated that the Netherlands is not governed democratically indicated higher levels of tolerance. This suggests that economic uncertainty and perceptions of political legitimacy are the main drivers of tolerance for political violence.

Loading

Article metrics loading...

/content/journals/10.5117/MEM2021.4.002.RIET
2022-12-01
2023-01-31
Loading full text...

Full text loading...

References

  1. Abdeen, Z., Brunstein-Klomek, A., Nakash, O., Shibli, N., Nagar, M., Agha, H., Hallaq, S., Kanat-Maymon, Y., Juerges, H., Levav, I., & Qasrawi, R. (2018). The association between political violence and the connection between bullying and suicidality among palestinian youth. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 48(1), 95-104. https://doi.org/10.1111/sltb.12338
    [Google Scholar]
  2. Argo Ben Itzhak, N., Brown, R., Hurlburt, H., Livingston, L., & Owens, S. (2019). Building U.S. resilience to political violence: A globally informed framework for analysis and action. Project Over Zero. https://www.projectoverzero.org/media-and-publications/building-us-resilience-to-political-violence
    [Google Scholar]
  3. AEI (2021). After the ballots are counted: Conspiracies, political violence, and American exceptionalism. American Enterprise Institute. https://www.americansurveycenter.org/research/after-the-ballots-are-counted-conspiracies-political-violence-and-american-exceptionalism/
    [Google Scholar]
  4. Bartels, L. M. (2020). Ethnic antagonism erodes Republicans’ commitment to democracy. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 117(37), 22752-22759. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2007747117
    [Google Scholar]
  5. Berger, L. (2016). Local, national and global Islam: Religious guidance and European Muslim public opinion on political radicalism and social conservatism. West European Politics, 39(2), 205-228. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1062252
    [Google Scholar]
  6. Bjørgo, T., & Ravndal, J. A. (2019). Extreme-right violence and terrorism: Concepts, patterns, and responses. ICCT Policy Brief. https://icct.nl/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Extreme-Right-Violence-and-Terrorism-Concepts-Patterns-and-Responses.pdf
    [Google Scholar]
  7. BovensM., WilleA. (2011) Diplomademocratie: Over de spanning tussen meritocratie en democratie. Amsterdam: Bert Bakker.
    [Google Scholar]
  8. Brader, T., Valentino, N. A., & Suhay, E. (2008). What triggers public opposition to immigration? Anxiety, group cues, and immigration threat. American Journal of Political Science, 52(4), 959-978. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00353.x
    [Google Scholar]
  9. CBS (2021). Migratieachtergrond. Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek.. Geraadpleegd op 27april2021 op https://www.cbs.nl/nl-nl/onze-diensten/methoden/begrippen/migratieachtergrond
    [Google Scholar]
  10. Clayton, K., Davis, N. T., Nyhan, B., Porter, E., Ryan, T. J., & Wood, T. J. (2021). Elite rhetoric can undermine democratic norms. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 118(23), e2024125118. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2024125118
    [Google Scholar]
  11. Dalton, R. J. (2004). Democratic challenges, democratic choices. Oxford University Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  12. De Lange, P. (2021). Mobiele politiepost voor huis Hugo de Jonge geplaatst ter beveiliging. Volkskrant, 24december2021. Geraadpleegd op 31december2021 op https://www.volkskrant.nl/nieuws-achtergrond/mobiele-politiepost-voorhuis-hugo-de-jonge-geplaatst-ter-beveiliging~bb461ccf/
    [Google Scholar]
  13. Diamond, L., Drutman, L., Lindberg, T., Kalmoe, N. P., & Mason, L. (2020). Americans increasingly believe violence is justified if the other side wins. Politico, 1oktober2020. Geraadpleegd op 14juni2021 op https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2020/10/01/political-violence-424157
    [Google Scholar]
  14. Doosje, B., van den Bos, K., Loseman, A., Feddes, A. R., & Mann, L. (2012). “My Ingroup is superior!”: Susceptibility for radical right-wing attitudes and behaviors in dutch youth. Negotiation and Conflict Management Research, 5(3), 253-268. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-4716.2012.00099.x
    [Google Scholar]
  15. Easton, D. (1965). A systems analysis of political life. Wiley.
    [Google Scholar]
  16. Elad-Strenger, J., Hall, B. J., Hobfoll, S. E., & Canetti, D. (2021). Explaining public support for violence against politicians during conflict: Evidence from a panel study in Israel. Journal of Peace Research, 58(3), 417-432, Article 0022343320905355. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343320905355
    [Google Scholar]
  17. EVS (2020a). European Values Study 2017: Integrated Dataset (EVS2017). GESIS Data Archive, Cologne. ZA7500 Data file Version 4.0.0, https://doi.org/10.4232/1.13560.
  18. EVS (2020b). European Values Study 2017: Weighting Data. (GESIS Papers, 2020/15). Köln. https://doi.org/10.21241/ssoar.70113
  19. Gilley, B. (2006). The meaning and measure of state legitimacy: Results for 72 countries. European Journal of Political Research, 45(3), 499-525. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00307.x
    [Google Scholar]
  20. Gotzsche-Astrup, O. (2019). Personality moderates the relationship between uncertainty and political violence: Evidence from two large US samples. Personality and Individual Differences, 139, 102-109. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2018.11.006
    [Google Scholar]
  21. Grimes, M. (2006). Organizing consent: The role of procedural fairness in political trust and compliance. European Journal of Political Research, 45(2), 285-315. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00299.x
    [Google Scholar]
  22. Hakhverdian, A., & Koop, C. (2007). Consensus democracy and support for populist parties in Western Europe. Acta Politica, 42(4), 401-420. https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500202
    [Google Scholar]
  23. Hogg, M. A., Abrams, D., & Brewer, M. B. (2017). Social identity: The role of self in group processes and intergroup relations [Review]. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 20(5), 570-581. https://doi.org/10.1177/1368430217690909
    [Google Scholar]
  24. Hogg, M. A., & Adelman, J. (2013). Uncertainty-Identity Theory: Extreme groups, radical behavior, and authoritarian leadership. Journal of Social Issues, 69(3), 436-454. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12023
    [Google Scholar]
  25. Holmes, S. (1995). Passions and constraint: On the theory of liberal democracy. University of Chicago Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  26. Iqbal, Z., & Zorn, C. (2008). The political consequences of assassination. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 52(3), 385-400. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002707310855
    [Google Scholar]
  27. Jefferson, T. (1798). From the Kentucky Resolution of 1798. In Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution (Vol. 4, pp. 543 (1907)).
    [Google Scholar]
  28. Jou, W., & Dalton, R. J. (2018). Left-right orientations and voting behavior. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, 24. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.581
    [Google Scholar]
  29. Kalmoe, N., & Mason, L. (2018). Lethal mass partisanship: Prevalence, correlates, and electoral contingencies. American Political Science Association’s Annual Meeting, 30augustus tot 2september, Boston, MA.
    [Google Scholar]
  30. Kalmoe, N. P. (2014). Fueling the fire: Violent metaphors, trait aggression, and support for political violence. Political Communication, 31(4), 545-563. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2013.852642
    [Google Scholar]
  31. Kenyon, J., Baker-Beall, C., & Binder, J. (2022). Lone-actor terrorism: A systematic literature review. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 28. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2021.1892635
    [Google Scholar]
  32. Kesic, J., & Duyvendak, J. W. (2019). The nation under threat: secularist, racial and populist nativism in the Netherlands. Patterns of Prejudice, 53(5), 441-463. https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2019.1656886
    [Google Scholar]
  33. Kleinfeld, R. (2021). The rise of political violence in the United States. Journal of Democracy, 32(4), 160-176. https://doi.org/https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/the-rise-of-political-violence-in-the-united-states/
    [Google Scholar]
  34. Kroh, M. (2007). Measuring left-right political orientation: The choice of response format. Public Opinion Quarterly, 71(2), 204-220. https://doi.org/http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfm009
    [Google Scholar]
  35. Kuppens, T., Gootjes, F., Boendermaker, M., Gordijn, E., & Postmes, T. (2019). Ongenoegen, migratie, gastvrijheid en maatschappelijke onrust. Breukelen: Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek- en Documentatiecentrum.
    [Google Scholar]
  36. Li, W., Yang, Y., Wu, J., & Kou, Y. (2020). Testing the status-legitimacy hypothesis in China: Objective and subjective socioeconomic status divergently predict system justification. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 46(7), 1044-1058. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167219893997
    [Google Scholar]
  37. Lipset, M. L., & Raab, E. (1977). The politics of unreason: Right-wing extremism in America 1790-1977. Harper & Row Torchbook.
    [Google Scholar]
  38. Mair, P. (2008). Electoral volatility and the Dutch party system: A comparative perspective. Acta Politica, 43(2-3), 235-253. https://doi.org/10.1057/ap.2008.1
    [Google Scholar]
  39. McCauley, C., & Moskalenko, S. (2017). Understanding political radicalization: The two-pyramids model. American Psychologist, 72(3), 205-216. https://doi.org/http://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000062
    [Google Scholar]
  40. Nemeth, S. C., & Hansen, H. E. (2022). Political competition and right-wing terrorism: A county-level analysis of the United States. Political Research Quarterly, 15. https://doi.org/10.1177/10659129211006791
    [Google Scholar]
  41. Norris, P. (2011). Democratic deficit: Critical citizens revisited. Cambridge University Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  42. NOS (2021). Van Houwelingen (FvD) dreigt Sjoerdsma (D66) met tribunalen. NOS, 17november2021. Geraadpleegd op 16december2021 op https://nos.nl/artikel/2406005-van-houwelingen-fvd-dreigt-sjoerdsma-d66-met-tribunalen
    [Google Scholar]
  43. Nowakowski, A. (2021). Do unhappy citizens vote for populism?European Journal of Political Economy, 68, 101985. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2020.101985
    [Google Scholar]
  44. Oosterom, E. (2021). Tonnen schade na avondklokrellen in Rotterdam, maar kosten verhalen op daders lukt amper. Algemeen Dagblad, 16april2021. Geraadpleegd op 30november2021. https://www.ad.nl/binnenland/tonnen-schade-naavondklokrellen-in-rotterdam-maar-kosten-verhalen-op-daders-lukt-amper~a7fe7b78/?referrer=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2F
    [Google Scholar]
  45. Østby, G. (2013). Inequality and political violence: A review of the literature. International Area Studies Review, 16(2), 206-231. https://doi.org/10.1177/2233865913490937
    [Google Scholar]
  46. Pape, R. (2021). Opinion: What an analysis of 377 Americans arrested or charged in the Capitol insurrection tells us. Washington Post, 6april2021. Geraadpleegd op 3december2021 op https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/04/06/capitol-insurrection-arrests-cpost-analysis/
    [Google Scholar]
  47. Pape, R., & Ruby, K. (2021). The Capitol rioters aren’t like other extremists. The Atlantic, 2Februari2021. Geraadpleegd op 3december2021 op https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/02/the-capitol-rioters-arent-like-other-extremists/617895/
    [Google Scholar]
  48. Pedersen, W., Vestel, V., & Bakken, A. (2018). At risk for radicalization and jihadism? A population-based study of Norwegian adolescents. Cooperation and Conflict, 53(1), 61-83. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010836717716721
    [Google Scholar]
  49. Piazza, J. A. (2020). Politician hate speech and domestic terrorism [Article]. International Interactions, 46(3), 431-453. https://doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2020.1739033
    [Google Scholar]
  50. Rooduijn, M (2018) What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties. European Political Science Review, 10(3), 351–368. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755773917000145
    [Google Scholar]
  51. Russel Hochschild, A. (2016). Strangers in their own land: Anger and mourning on the American right. The New Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  52. Saeed, T., & Johnson, D. (2016). Intelligence, global terrorism and higher education: Neutralising threats or alienating allies?British Journal of Educational Studies, 64(1), 37–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/00071005.2015.1123216
    [Google Scholar]
  53. Schakel, W. (2019). Unequal policy responsiveness in the Netherlands. Socio-Economic Review, 19(1), 37–57. https://doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwz018
    [Google Scholar]
  54. Schakel, W., Burgoon, B., & Hakhverdian, A. (2020). Real but unequal representation in welfare state reform. Politics and Society, 48(1), 131-163. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329219897984
    [Google Scholar]
  55. Schmidt, M. S., & Broadwater, L. (2021). Officers’ injuries, including concussions, show scope of violence at Capitol riot. The New York Times, 12februari2021. Geraadpleegd op 14juni2021 op https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/11/us/politics/capitol-riot-police-officer-injuries.html
    [Google Scholar]
  56. Shadmehr, M. (2014). Mobilization, repression, and revolution: Grievances and opportunities in contentious politics. Journal of Politics, 76(3), 621-635. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022381614000267
    [Google Scholar]
  57. Silber, M. D., & Bhatt, A. (2007). Radicalization in the west: The homegrown threat. New York Police Department. https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/radicalization-west-homegrown-threat
    [Google Scholar]
  58. Sneekes, M. (2021). Rotterdam wordt zwartgeblakerd wakker: ‘Ik dacht dat het een vuurwerkshow was’. Volkskrant, 20november2021. Geraadpleegd op 30november2021 op https://www.volkskrant.nl/nieuws-achtergrond/rotterdam-wordtzwartgeblakerd-wakker-ik-dacht-dat-het-een-vuurwerkshow-was~bbc7464a/?referrer=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2F
    [Google Scholar]
  59. Spaaij, R. (2012). Understanding lone wolf terrorism: Global patterns, motivations and prevention. Springer.
    [Google Scholar]
  60. Staloff, D. (2005). Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson: The politics of enlightenment and the American founding. Hill and Wang.
    [Google Scholar]
  61. Stewart, F. (2002). Horizontal inequalities: A neglected dimension of development (QEH Working Paper Series, Issue.
    [Google Scholar]
  62. Tallay, L. (2019). How Thierry Baudet stole Geert Wilders’ votes: A discourse historical analysis of Baudet’s 2019 provincial elections victory speech. Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies, 11(2), 45-59. https://doi.org/https://www.esaanz.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Louis-Talay.pdf
    [Google Scholar]
  63. Thomassen, J., & Van Ham, C. (2017). A legitimacy crisis of representative democracy? In C.Van Ham, J.Thomassen, K.Aarts, & R.Andeweg (Eds.), Myth and reality of the legitimacy crisis: Explaining trends and cross-national differences in established democracies. Oxford University Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  64. Thomassen, J., Van Ham, C., & Andeweg, R. (2014). De wankele democratie: Heeft de democratie haar beste tijd gehad?Prometheus – Bert Bakker.
    [Google Scholar]
  65. Trouw. (2021). Door het hele land rellen na avondklok: ‘Wat bezielt deze mensen?’. Trouw, , 25januari2021. Geraadpleegd op 28januari2021 op https://www.trouw.nl/binnenland/door-het-hele-land-rellen-na-avondklok-wat-bezielt-dezemensen~b1caa460/
    [Google Scholar]
  66. Weede, E. (2004). On political violence and its avoidance. Acta Politica, 39, 152–178. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500059
    [Google Scholar]
  67. Westwood, S. J., Grimmer, J., Tyler, M., & Nall, C. (2022). Current research overstates American support for political violence. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 119(12), e2116870119. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2116870119
    [Google Scholar]
  68. WHO. (2002). World report on violence and health.
    [Google Scholar]
  69. Wilkins, C. L., Hirsch, A. A., Kaiser, C. R., & Inkles, M. P. (2017). The threat of racial progress and the self-protective nature of perceiving anti-White bias. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 20(6), 801-812. https://doi.org/10.1177/1368430216631030
    [Google Scholar]
  70. Wolfowicz, M., Litmanovitz, Y., Weisburd, D., & Hasisi, B. (2021). Cognitive and behavioral radicalization: A systematic review of the putative risk and protective factors. Campbell Systematic Reviews, 17(3), e1174. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1002/cl2.1174
    [Google Scholar]
http://instance.metastore.ingenta.com/content/journals/10.5117/MEM2021.4.002.RIET
Loading
/content/journals/10.5117/MEM2021.4.002.RIET
Loading

Data & Media loading...

This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address
Approval was a Success
Invalid data
An Error Occurred
Approval was partially successful, following selected items could not be processed due to error